In a display of political recklessness and disregard for the victims of Colombia’s National Strike – Paro Nacional – President Gustavo Petro once again demonstrated an alarming affinity for justifying chaos and violence. His recent validation of the First Line – Primera Linea – movement, infamous for its role in destabilizing the country during the 2021 National Strike, is not just an affront to Colombia’s democratic rule of law but also a betrayal to the residents of Colombia’s third-largest city – Cali.
From the heart of the departmental capital of Valle del Cauca, a city scarred by the destruction unleashed by the First Line, Petro proudly proclaimed: “We come from the First Line, and we are proud!” Such a brazen endorsement of a movement synonymous with vandalism and unrest is utterly disgraceful. Petro’s attempt to romanticize the Front Line is also misguided and insidious.
The havoc wreaked by the Front Line during the 2021 National Strike was orchestrated to topple the presidency of Iván Duque by generating turmoil on the streets and on social media. With the ensuing violence, looting, and acts of vandalism that crippled a nation, Senators Gustavo Petro and Gustavo Bolívar capitalized on a maelstrom of resentment for their political gain.
The road blockades, barricaded businesses, and lives lost were the pretext of “legitimate protest” targeting a tax reform presented by the government of Iván Duque to fund social welfare programs during the COVID-19 lockdowns. The real objective, however, was another: to discredit President Iván Duque by promoting a social media-induced frenzy. Hashtags referencing the “terror apparatus” of the former administration, among them, #DuqueNarcoParacoYAsesino, or #NosEstanMatando, were accompanied by bombastic declarations such as: “The fresh winds of the Bolivarian Revolution are blowing. We will win!”
The spread of misinformation across social media platforms, and headlines from media outlets such as The New York Times with titles like: “Colombia Police respond to Protests with Bullets and Death Toll mounts” or “Colombia’s Police Force, Built for War, finds a new one,” exacerbated an internal meltdown to Petro’s advantage. And despite negotiations between the Duque government and National Strike Committee, media narratives portrayed Colombia’s situation as dire, with The Guardian dubbing Cali as the “cockpit of chaos.”
As Senator Petro peddled a barrage of misinformation on social media that amplified the perception of alleged police brutality, the death toll attributed to the civil unrest of Paro Nacional, confirmed at 43 (by the Attoney General’s Office), came with an additional 20,000 or more casualties during the third wave of the pandemic as a result of the mass mobilizations.
The mobilizations also attacked medical missions, a truck carrying vital medical supplies from Buenaventura to Cali, as well as several ambulances in Bogotá.
Given that Petro succumbed to sensationalism and misinformation during the Paro Nacional, his blatant support of a clandestine entity that orchestrated systematic assaults against the National Police during the summer of 2021 has reignited the cauldron of discontent among Colombians. Petro’s assertion in Cali that government officials “who do not want change should leave, and not waste our time” is equally divisive and indicative of his authoritarian tendencies.
By dismissing dissenting voices and glorifying a movement known for its disregard for the law, Petro reveals his true colors as a leader willing to sacrifice stability for his own political agenda. “I would be angry with myself if I hid and had not been part of the First Line,” Petro affirmed from Puerto Rellena, and now dubbed “Puerto Resistencia”.
Furthermore, Petro’s call for the Ministry of Culture to declare the First Line’s stronghold a “national monument” is nothing short of insulting to the members of Colombia’s security forces who attempted to quell the excessive violence unleashed by First Liners. The proposal to immortalize this jarring and hideous symbol to violence and “resistence” is also an affront to the majority of law-abiding Colombians who urged for calm and public safety during the midst of the coronavirus pandemic.
With a populist, post-truth narrative to the indigenous groups that arrived in Cali by the busload to show support for President Petro’s embattled health reform, the former M-19 guerrilla, and Senator during the Paro Nacional, blamed the “extreme right” – again – for obstructing his government’s progressive agenda. Yet, he conveniently overlooked his own role in fueling division and discord on social media, his role as a promoter of the “mass mobilizations” on the streets of Colombia when daily deaths from COVID-19 remained above 1.000 victims.
Last December, Petro also formalized a request before the country’s then Attorney General, Francisco Barbosa, to suspend the arrest warrants against protestors who are detained for acts of violence and vandalism during the National Strike. Petro highlighted that he would grant an “official pardon to those who exercised their legitimate right to protest” and were arrested for participating in anti-government demonstrations.
Former Interior Minister Alfonso Prada quickly downplayed Petro’s affirmations, stating that “there is no amnesty, nor pardon,” adding that any decision to release the criminals who attacked members of Colombia’s national police “depends on judges.”
Perhaps the most damning aspect of Petro’s speech is his refusal to acknowledge the consequences of his words. By validating the First Line, Petro not only legitimizes violence but also emboldens those who seek to sow chaos and destruction in the future. “In my government, we are open to dialogue, but not naively. If the possibility of a government elected by the people cannot apply the constitution because they surround it to prevent it, then Colombia has to go to a National Constituent Assembly,” he said.
The response to Petro’s threat to bypass Congress echoed in political circles. By labeling Petro as the “grave digger of the Constitution,” presidential candidate of the Oxygen Green Party, Ingrid Betancourt, exposed the true nature of Petro’s actions. “It is now clear who Petro is,” stated the former FARC hostage, with the reckless endorsement of the Front Line and direct warning to Congressional lawmakers. F
ormer Colombian President Andrés Pastrana raised the following question on “X”: “With your confession (Petro) as a member of the First Line, what is your criminal responsibility for the serious crimes committed against Colombians? Are you an accomplice or direct participant?”
President Petro over the weekend reiterated on “X” that a call for a Constituent Assembly is neither “to change the 1991 Constitution, nor to perpetuate myself in power,” he said. “In the more than three decades that have passed since 1991, the constituted powers by the constituent of ’91 have not been able to solve several fundamental problems that hinder Colombian society, and that is why the constituent, that is, the people, must step in to solve them.”
As Colombians grapple with the aftermath of Petro’s inflammatory remarks from Cali and “ultimatums” for his health, labor and pension reforms, one thing emerged from Puerto Rellena: Petro’s vision for Colombia is marred by past hatreds and ideological division. His refusal to condemn the First Line and brazen attempt to romanticize their role in the National Strike is an affront to the majority of citizens who will continue to denounce politically-motivated violence disguised as “social protest” or ever-elusive ‘total peace’.”
