What began as a national day of celebration quickly turned into a stark reminder of Colombia’s worsening internal conflict. On July 20, as cities and towns across the country commemorated the 215th anniversary of independence with parades and patriotic displays of the tricolor flag, three Colombian soldiers were killed and eight others wounded in a drone attack in the mountainous northeastern region of Catatumbo.
The strike, carried out by the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla, marked one of the most lethal and technologically sophisticated uses to date of weaponized drones in Colombia’s internal conflict. The attack occurred in El Carmen, a remote municipality in the department of Norte de Santander, and signals a dangerous evolution in the capabilities of the Maoist guerrilla – one that increasingly mirrors global trends from Iran to China, Ukraine and Russia, in asymmetrical warfare.
“We express our deepest condolences to the families of our soldiers, who have sacrificed their lives in the fulfillment of duty,” Colombia’s Ministry of Defense said in a statement. The fallen were identified as Jesús Alberto Sánchez Anaya, Jader Luis Calle Núñez, and Héctor Miguel Ramos Olivera – professional soldiers assigned to the Army’s Vulcano Task Force.
The soldiers had been conducting routine patrols when modified drones, reportedly outfitted with heat sensors and infrared targeting systems, dropped their explosive payloads from above. Military officials said the sophistication of the devices represents a troubling new front in fighting illegal armed groups.
Combat medics responded swiftly, evacuating the injured for emergency treatment. But the psychological toll, officials say, is likely to linger far beyond the battlefield.
The Colombian Army condemned the strike as a “terrorist act perpetrated by the organized armed group ELN,” adding that the attack violated international humanitarian law and endangered civilians in the area.
The incident has intensified concern over the growing use of drones by criminal and insurgent groups across the country. Nearly nine years after Colombia signed a historic peace accord with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the nation is still struggling to contain violence in its rural regions. Although roughly 17,000 former FARC members demobilized under the 2016 agreement, dissident factions have since rearmed and are now competing alongside the ELN for control of territory, particularly in regions rich in coca cultivation and illegal mining.
In Catatumbo, one of Colombia’s most unstable regions along the Venezuelan border, fighting between ELN guerrillas and FARC dissidents has sparked a humanitarian crisis, forcing the displacement of more than 50,000 civilians.
Colombian military intelligence has reported an increase in the use of commercially available drones modified for warfare. Many of these devices are adapted to carry homemade explosives, including improvised mortar grenades. A recent government report indicated that in 2025 alone, more than 230 explosive-related incidents have been documented, with at least 670 grenades deployed – many from drones.
The toll on the nation’s armed forces has been especially severe. Since January, 15 soldiers have been killed and 90 wounded in drone-related attacks. Civilians have also suffered: at least two have died and more than 34 have been injured in the past 18 months.
In some cases, guerrilla groups have used drones in kamikaze-style attacks, crashing the devices directly into military targets. The Army’s Third Division – responsible for southwestern regions like Cauca and Nariño – has reported the highest number of drone incidents, followed by the Second Division, which covers Catatumbo.
Colombia’s first confirmed instance of drone use in the conflict dates back to 2018, when residents in the coastal port city of Tumaco (Nariño) reported sightings of ELN drones hovering over coca-growing areas. Initially employed for reconnaissance, these devices were later modified for combat. By 2023, drones began appearing in rural fields with crude explosive payloads – PVC tubes taped to the fuselage, designed to detonate on impact.
Today, military officials say these drones can carry between one and 50 kilograms of explosives and fly for up to an hour, depending on wind and terrain. Their deployment has expanded across the departments of Cauca, Huila, Nariño, and Norte de Santander.
“This is about minimizing their own losses while striking with maximum effect,” a military intelligence officer told El Colombiano, a Medellín-based newspaper. “These groups know they cannot match the firepower of the state, so they rely on mobility, surprise, and now, improvised technology.”
Unlike landmines or ambushes, drones allow gangs and armed groups to attack from a distance, making them harder to track or confront. The implications for rural communities are profound—from the trauma endured by children and families caught in the crossfire to farmers too fearful to transport legal crops to market.
As the Colombian military buries its dead, one conclusion is clear: drones, once reserved for aerial photography and surveillance, have become the newest instruments of terror in a conflict that under the administration of President Gustavo Petro is rapidly becoming more insidious and sadistic.
